August 2007 Archives

Glass houses can be such a pain. You just know that Democratic presidential hopefuls John Edwards and Barack Obama would relish mercilessly blasting party rival Hillary Rodham Clinton for taking money from a fugitive, businessman Norman Hsu. The story has all the makings of a sequel to the many and various fundraising battles of Bill Clinton’s presidency.

In the week before the story broke, forcing Clinton to return the money that Hsu had raised, Edwards made a big splash by uttering the words “Lincoln Bedroom” in a bid to connect Clinton to one of her husband’s embarrassing fundraising schemes.

But Edwards and Obama have been cautious in their comments about Hsu. They well know that the Clinton camp would fire right back at them, targeting Edwards’ hedge fund ties and trial lawyer cash, and Obama’s ties to indicted Chicago real estate executive Tony Rezko.

Perhaps that’s why the toughest attacks on Clinton’s Hsu connection have come from the Republicans.

GOP Picks Up Pace on Damage Control

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Unlike House Republican leaders last year during the Mark Foley sex-related scandal, their Senate counterparts this week showed that they know exactly when to fold their cards in such matters: immediately, or sooner, if possible.

GOP colleagues publicly isolated Idaho Sen. Larry Craig within hours after news surfaced on Monday that he had pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct in a restroom at the Minneapolis-St. Paul airport. And yesterday, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky stripped Craig of his committee assignments.

This is all happening with lightning speed compared with the foot-dragging by former House Speaker Dennis Hastert of Illinois last year over revelations about former Florida Rep. Foley’s improper approaches to House pages. McConnell clearly gets the lesson that Hastert’s bumbling response hurt Republicans at the ballot box more than the details of Foley’s behavior.

GOP damage controllers also are in better shape with this scandal because they have more than a year to recover, while the Foley matter broke within the final weeks before the 2006 midterm elections.

Bush’s Best-Case Attorney General Might Be No One

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Why should George W. Bush even want a Senate-confirmed attorney general for the remainder of his term? Given that the White House was not soon ready with a replacement nominee when Attorney General Alberto Gonzales resigned on Monday, you have to wonder if the president is in much of a hurry.

Instead, the administration is floating lots of names, just beginning to cull a list of candidates and gradually consulting lawmakers. All this despite knowing for months that Gonzales might have to quit.

Knowing that anyone who might be acceptable to Senate Democrats is probably not going to be someone who is blindly loyal to Bush, the White House could benefit by dragging out the confirmation process as long as possible. No president wants an independent-minded attorney general who might aggressively pursue administration wrong doers. If Bush cannot have such a person formally in the job, he might think that he is better off without anyone at all.

Warner’s Public Words Suggest Bush Not Listening

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When a senator goes public with advice for a president, it usually means that the president must not be listening. Sen. John Warner’s very public suggestion yesterday that George W. Bush should withdraw a small contingent of troops from Iraq — to signal that the U.S. involvement is not open-ended — came across as the move of a frustrated lawmaker who does not have the president’s ear.

Indeed, Bush did not meet with or talk to the Virginia Republican after Warner returned from Iraq this week and briefed the president’s aides at the White House.

This is not the first time that Warner — a former Navy secretary who formerly chaired the Senate Armed Services Committee and now is its ranking Republican — has followed private sessions with the administration by publicly detailing advice that officials had apparently ignored.

Be assured that if Warner was really getting anywhere with Bush, he would not be holding press conferences and giving television interviews to describe what he is telling the White House.

Dumping al-Maliki Could Stay Bush’s Course

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Here we go again — new faces in Iraq to justify prolonging the U.S. presence. But this time, instead of rearranging the military uniforms on the ground, the Bush administration could be preparing the way for new political leadership in the Iraqi government.

The drumbeat to oust Iraq’s Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has only just begun. But if there is a change, look for the White House to argue that we must give the new leaders a chance before pulling out.

Even though President George W. Bush just yesterday expressed confidence in al-Maliki, there was something eerily similar to his words of support just before pulling the plug on Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld or Mike Brown, the director of the Federal Emergency Management Agency during Hurricane Katrina.

Blaming al-Maliki and taking steps toward his replacement could help Bush get through next month’s war showdown on Capitol Hill. Rotating the roster in Iraq has long been a winning tactic for keeping the war on Bush’s course.

The First National Primary

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It is already being called Tsunami Tuesday. But what now looms for Feb. 5 is such a widespread collection of states holding presidential nominating contests that it could turn out to be the forerunner of a national primary system.

Arizona just joined the fluctuating list of 20 or so states planning votes on the first Tuesday in February. Big states such as California, Illinois, New Jersey and New York are on board. Every region of the country will be represented. Since primaries began, never have so many delegates been at stake on a single day.

The betting is that this will benefit the leaders in national polls — currently Hillary Rodham Clinton for the Democrats and Rudy Giuliani for the Republicans — because lesser-known rivals will not have the time or money to effectively compete.

The other scenario is that someone breaks out from behind in the early-voting states and overtakes the leaders on Feb. 5. But don’t bet on it.

Clinton Blurs the Battle Lines on Surge Politics

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If Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York was signaling yesterday how other Democratic leaders might politically parse the Iraq troop surge, there could be a major twist in rhetoric coming.

Speaking to a veterans group, Clinton undercut claims, including her own, that President George W. Bush’s troop buildup would not work. “It’s working,” she said, but “we're just years too late.” Seven months ago Clinton had predicted that the surge “cannot be successful.”

Other Democrats, such as Senate Majority Whip Dick Durbin of Illinois, are also softening their stance. This new Democratic strategy is about getting the surge off the table by stipulating its success while still arguing that it is too little and too late to make a difference.

Still, Clinton’s approach runs the risk of giving Bush the rhetorical high ground for the September debate. Agreeing that the president’s new tactics are working will make it a lot tougher to challenge his control of Iraq policy.

Obama Gets His Debate Legs

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Barack Obama might be inexperienced, but when it comes to debating he appears to be a fast learner.

Yesterday’s Democratic debate in Iowa, aired nationally on ABC, showcased the Illinois senator facing attacks from rivals with a dose of humor and a knack for the well-aimed counterpunch. At the peak of those assaults on his lack of experience, Obama deflected with a laugh line, saying, “To prepare for this debate, I rode in the bumper cars at the state fair.”

But he also effectively hit back at his more experienced opponents, noting that most had supported the war in Iraq. And he provoked applause from Democratic partisans in the debate hall with a telling observation about the pitfalls of experience: “Nobody had more experience than Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney.”

After a shaky start in the debating game, Obama is getting better. Returning pointed attacks with laugh lines and applause cues is a clear sign of progress.

Thompson’s First Iowa Visit Already Not Enough

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Too little and too late is what they’re saying in Iowa about Fred Thompson’s first trip there today as a possible presidential contender.

The former Tennessee senator’s still-unannounced bid for the Republican nomination was once thought to be an attractive vessel for conservatives looking for more options. But lackluster fundraising and a decision to delay his formal candidacy until after Labor Day threatens to sideline the television actor before he gets started.

Already, his schedule for today in Des Moines is drawing criticism as off the mark. The Des Moines Register notes that Thompson most needs to begin a meaningful dialogue with voters. But after reviewing his planned emphasis on photo-ops and private meetings with GOP leaders, the state’s largest newspaper concludes that “he will have hardly begun that task by the time he leaves Iowa this afternoon.”

Iowans expect a lot of face time from hopefuls for their leadoff nominating contest — and just having a familiar TV face will not be enough.

Clinton-Rove Spat Boosts Both

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For Democrats, there’s nothing like a public spat with Karl Rove to stir up the base. And that’s the favor that the outgoing White House political guru did for Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton this week, blasting the New York Democrat as “fatally flawed” in an interview with conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh.

Clinton, who is running an Iowa television advertisement skewering George W. Bush, quickly retorted, saying, “I feel so lucky that I am now giving them such heartburn.” Aides to her Democratic rivals are grumbling that Rove is just trying to boost Clinton’s candidacy among liberals who hate him — further evidence, they say, that Republicans are hoping to run against her because they think she’s unelectable.

Still, this episode only helps Clinton among the Democratic faithful. And Rove is delighting his party’s base voters by demonizing her. In that sense, they are like boxers who heighten public interest in a big match by trading insults. Both sides win.

Giuliani Survives Iowa Straw Poll Dodge

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Rudy Giuliani’s risky decision to skip the Iowa Republican Party’s straw poll last weekend paid off for him. The former New York mayor and clear frontrunner in national polls for the Republican presidential nomination saved precious time and expense — and the results were so mixed that he lost no ground.

Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney won as expected, but had to share the limelight with former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee, who posted a surprisingly strong second-place finish. That is the sort of jumble that Giuliani strategists are hoping to see if it turns out that he cannot win Iowa’s GOP caucuses, which are dominated by social conservatives who dislike his moderate views.

Still, Giuliani says he plans to compete for the caucuses. After all, the campaign graveyard is littered with past hopefuls who tried to step over Iowa’s first-in-the-nation voting contest. Also, Iowa’s swing-state status in recent general elections makes a hard play for the caucuses useful seeding for the November harvest.

Rove Resignation Just in Time for GOP 2008 Hopefuls

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Karl Rove’s departure from the White House at the end of this month, revealed today by the Wall Street Journal’s Paul Gigot, frees up a talented but tainted master of politics for a Republican presidential hopeful. If anyone wants him, sooner rather than later would be the time to sign him up.

The president’s political guru is still an icon for many conservatives likely to vote in GOP primaries. Come the general election he could be a lightning rod for attacks by Democrats who hate him.

Even a low-key role in someone’s primary campaign could impress Republicans who are having trouble warming up to a single candidacy, especially after last weekend’s Iowa straw poll where former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney’s victory and former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee’s second-place finish challenged former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani’s frontrunner status.

Just a kind word from Rove about one of the contenders could go a long way toward helping Republican voters pick a winner.

See You in September

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Next month’s showdown with Congress over Iraq looms as George W. Bush’s last corral for maintaining the war agenda that is destined to be his legacy. Despite a lot of shaky nerves in Congress among his fellow Republicans, do not bet against the president once again outwitting a Democratic leadership determined to reverse the administration’s prosecution of the war.

Even though polls show that most Americans dislike Bush’s handling of Iraq, his political allies insist the public will not back anything that smacks of a congressional takeover of the situation. “They are not going to stand for a diminution of the commander in chief’s war powers without a viable alternative,” said Mary Matalin, a former senior White House adviser.

Still, the congressional Democratic majority is betting that the number of Republican defections will increase significantly in September, when this year’s fifth wave of votes aimed at forcing a troop withdrawal will occur.

Look for the White House and its allies on Capitol Hill to blunt the next Democratic effort by declaring that the U.S. is winning the war and that the surge in troops is making a difference.

That argument could be well served by the very event that Democrats had expected to be the turning point toward their anti-war point of view: a progress report from the military man running things in Iraq. Democrats once thought that Army Gen. David H. Petraeus, who is widely respected by both parties for his expertise and candor, would come forth in September with a bleak assessment of the situation on the ground and that his pessimism would justify a meltdown of GOP support for Bush’s course in Iraq. But a different story is now emerging from the Petraeus camp, suggesting instead that he will report that the surge is working well enough to keep it going. And he is expected to conclude forcefully that withdrawal would only lead to bigger problems for both the United States and Iraq.

Encouraged by such previews of the Petraeus report, the White House is tapping sympathetic senators, including Republican Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Independent Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, for what amounts to a full-scale political campaign to thwart the next drive against the war in the Senate, where the balance of power in the debate resides.

Even in the House, where a majority is clearly against the war, plenty of Republicans from conservative districts are still willing to go to bat against a withdrawal plan. “There are actually a few Republicans left who can explain and defend the policy — and, as importantly, the consequences of defeat,” Matalin said.

Even those pesky opinion polls, which have bedeviled Bush for so long, are beginning to show signs of better news to come for him. The latest Gallup Poll found that the proportion of those who said the additional troops are “making the situation better” rose 9 percentage points in the past month, to 31 percent; the share of those who said it was “not making much difference” dropped by 10 points, to 41 percent. To counter the positive developments the president will surely spotlight in next month’s debate, Democrats will be in the unenviable position of having to argue that the troops are actually failing. As a consequence, they will once again be portrayed by the White House as defeatists who do not support the troops.

For Democrats, Victory Through Defeat?

Nothing less than the constitutional calendar dictates that Bush needs to survive only this next test to keep his Iraq policy intact. After September he will just have to run out the clock on Congress for another 15 months — not a tough task for him, considering that he has successfully deflected the growing anti-war forces on Capitol Hill for the past couple of years. Even last year’s midterm election, transferring control of Congress to the Democrats, has so far not deterred this president’s fierce resolve to stay his course.

“The fall may be the only moment Congress is going to have to force President Bush to change directions in Iraq,” said Larry J. Sabato, a University of Virginia political scientist. “It’s highly unlikely there will be another confluence of events that can push this president to jump the track he’s been on.”

Still, Democrats are obligated to try, or they risk angering the legions of anti-war voters in their political base. Oddly, the party’s best-case scenario could be failure. If Democrats muster enough votes to override a Bush veto and impose a new policy on him, they’ll hand a rhetorical sword to the president and his GOP allies, who will argue for the rest of their natural lives that the United States could have won the war if Democrats had not succumbed to defeat. There is also a short-term advantage to Democrats in losing the September showdown: They could enter the 2008 campaign arguing that only a vote for a Democrat is a vote for real change in Iraq.

And that is one measure of Bush’s determination to keep control of this unpopular war through the coming debate: To do so, he seems more than ready to sacrifice Republican control of the White House or any hopes for his party to retake Congress next year.

Presidential Race Could Use a Course Correction

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While there is still time for something different, the presidential race in both parties could use a new lineup to keep it interesting.

Before Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York locks up the Democratic nomination, how about someone other than Sen. Barack Obama getting a shot at the “anything-but-Hillary” nod? Despite months of news media swooning and fundraising triumphs, the Illinois newcomer keeps slipping further behind Clinton in national polls — even after his recent high-profile efforts to challenge her on foreign policy issues.

Obama’s campaign manager was concerned enough this week to send out a detailed memo to nervous supporters assuring them that everything is just fine. The memo correctly points out that Obama posts better numbers in early-voting states, but so does former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, which should earn the 2004 vice presidential nominee a test run to replace Obama as the main Clinton alternative. From the lower ranks of the Democratic contest, only New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson is on the move in key state polls.

On the GOP side, the Iowa Republican Party’s straw poll on Saturday could shift the landscape a bit. The expected winner, former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, is the only top-tier candidate actually competing for it. Even so, a big Romney win in the 40 percent range could challenge former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani’s frontrunner status in national polls and serve as another blow to Arizona Sen. John McCain’s stumbling candidacy.

Sen. Sam Brownback of Kansas and former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee might do well, thanks to the Iowa social conservatives they’ve been passionately courting. And while some in the lower tiers, like former Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson, could do so poorly that they leave the race, look for a surprise or two from the backbench.

Reps. Ron Paul of Texas and Tom Tancredo of Colorado are promising bets for straw-poll breakouts. But, of course, all bets are off until former Tennessee Sen. Fred Thompson formally enters the race as expected in early September and shows whether he can justify his summer-long run of effusive pre-campaign hype.

Clinton Sticks to Business

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You know a Democratic frontrunner for the White House is feeling comfortable when defending lobbyists and corporations seems like the right thing to do.

Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton was definitely not playing to the crowd of liberal bloggers on Saturday when she refused to join her rivals in a round of lobbyist bashing. “A lot of those lobbyists, whether you like it or not, represent real Americans,” she said, talking over audible gripes from the audience. “They actually do. They represent nurses. They represent, you know, social workers.”

Someone shouted “and corporations too,” but Clinton did not back down. “Yes, they represent corporations. They employ a lot of people.” By not pandering to anti-corporate sentiment in her party, Clinton once again showed how determinedly she is protecting herself for a race against the Republicans. And it is such disagreements with party activists that ironically could convince them that she is the most electable of their choices.

Talking Tough

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Separating the war against terrorism from the war in Iraq has always been tricky for Democrats up against George W. Bush’s insistence that the two are one and the same. Making a distinction between the “bad” occupation of Iraq and the “good” fight against terrorists can make the brain ache — for both the speaker and the listener.

Until lately, most Democrats seemed to forgo the distinction in favor of full-throated attacks on the president’s handling of Iraq and a downplaying of their fears of terrorism. Exclusively pressing the case against Iraq can lead to an impression that Democrats aren’t as serious as Republicans about the overall threat of terrorism.

It should be telling for Democrats that Rudolph Giuliani is widening his lead for the Republican presidential nomination largely on the strength of his increasingly harsh attacks against Democrats as weak on fighting terrorists. For now, it is the former New York City mayor’s way of rallying GOP voters with crowd-pleasing partisan assaults that distract conservatives from his liberal social views.

Giuliani’s stump speech is sprinkled with partisan jabs, such as when he chided Democrats last month for avoiding the phrase “Islamic terrorists” in their debates. “We are in a war with Islamic terrorists. No matter how much avoiding you do, it’s not going to go away,” he told a San Francisco audience to much applause.

His aides say such attacks rev up Giuliani’s poll numbers with Republican voters. He calls Democrats “pessimistic” and “defeatist,” repeatedly asserting that the party he would run against as the GOP nominee fails to understand the war against terrorism.

Of course, Giuliani treads lightly when it comes to specifics about the Iraq War, preferring to keep the focus on the global war.

There is danger for Giuliani in deploying these tactics so early. He is previewing the general-election message and the one-liners he would use against the Democratic ticket. And some who might oppose him are beginning to show that they are listening. Barack Obama opened a front last week in his presidential campaign that, although aimed at Democratic rivals, also served to preview how he might handle Giuliani’s weak-on-terror charge.

The Illinois senator’s move came in two parts. First, he proposed U.S. military action against terrorists in Pakistan if its leader, Pervez Musharraf, did not get tougher. “There are terrorists holed up in those mountains who murdered 3,000 Americans,” Obama said. “They are plotting to strike again. . . . If we have actionable intelligence about high-value terrorist targets and President Musharraf will not act, we will.”

Along with that attempt to shore up a message of strength to use against Giuliani-style arguments, Obama launched a not-so-veiled hit on Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York and others among his rivals who backed the war at the start. “Congress rubber-stamped the rush to war, giving the president the broad and open-ended authority he uses to this day,” Obama said. “With that vote, Congress became co-author of a catastrophic war. And we went off to fight on the wrong battlefield, with no appreciation of how many enemies we would create, and no plan for how to get out.”

Obama went on to assert that because of the Iraq invasion that Congress approved, “we are now less safe than before 9/11.”

Redrawing a Fine Distinction

Arguing that the war in Iraq actually endangers American lives is a clever retort to the Giuliani position, one that any Democratic nominee could potentially use next fall. Not only does that argument please anti-war liberals, but it also could play well among moderates who still want to see the United States better focused on the pandemic terrorist threat.

While on a policy level many experts criticized Obama’s saber-rattling toward Pakistan as a needless provoking of a nuclear power, it too was a politically savvy effort to redraw the distinction between the war on terrorists and the war in Iraq. Clinton apparently saw the political wisdom in it — hours after Obama’s speech, she almost exactly repeated his words about Pakistan. “If we had actionable intelligence that Osama bin Laden or other high-value targets were in Pakistan, I would ensure that they were targeted and killed or captured,” Clinton said in a radio interview.

Of course, the more dovish Democrats assailed both Obama and Clinton for their hawkish talk. Although talking about more military actions in other locations is a risky way to appeal to voters in Democratic primaries, it shows that the party’s two leading candidates are keeping their eye on the general election.

There is no telling what events might occur over the next 15 months that could suddenly put the public back on a war footing. It might seem to be a no-brainer for Democrats to continue railing against an unpopular war. But if in doing so they never develop an image as tough against global terror, then they could be quite vulnerable come Election Day 2008.

Edwards Again Fuels Hypocrite Image

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Although often totally divorced from reality, perceptions in politics tend to overwhelm the truth. And these days the perception that John Edwards is a hypocrite now endangers his presidential hopes.

The latest thread for this narrative is the next-day story that followed the Democrat’s attack this week on party rival Hillary Rodham Clinton for taking $20,000 in campaign funds from conservative media titan Rupert Murdoch and his executives. Now it turns out that Edwards himself got $800,000 for a book deal from Murdoch’s publishing arm, HarperCollins.

The Edwards camp explains that most of the money went to charity and the rest was only for expenses. Still, this story is destined to be linked to the flaps over the poverty fighter’s expensive haircuts, hedge fund salaries and multi-million-dollar North Carolina home.

Fair or not, their collective impact is saddling Edwards with a dreadful image that he must shake before it becomes unshakable.

Just hours before the Minneapolis bridge collapsed yesterday, two senators with presidential ambitions jointly introduced legislation that would rebuild the nation’s crumbling infrastructure. Democrat Chris Dodd of Connecticut and Republican Chuck Hagel of Nebraska deserve some credit for foresight in trying to spotlight a desperate need before this latest disaster sent politicians scrambling to talk up the problem.

Their bill proposes a national bank charged with prioritizing projects and developing creative ways to finance them. And notably, the supporting materials for the Dodd/Hagel plan shows that at $132 billion a year, the overall price tag for repairing dilapidated roads and bridges is quite close to the annual $120 billion that the U.S. is spending in Iraq.

Considering that Dodd and Hagel are calling for an end to the Iraq war, the Minneapolis tragedy hands them an enticing opportunity to argue that Americans should rebuild their own country before spending billions more on someone else’s.

Stevens Probe Again Spotlights GOP Ethics Woes

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Karl Rove reportedly thinks that corruption investigations hurt Republicans more than the Iraq war in last year’s midterm elections. If the White House political guru’s analysis is correct, the GOP could have a lot to worry about in the next congressional election.

Yesterday’s FBI search of Alaska Sen. Ted Stevens’ home, connected to a federal grand jury’s bribery probe, makes him the highest profile Republican among several who are involved in a slew of corruption investigations. More than a dozen current and former lawmakers are facing such scrutiny, and all but two are Republicans.

While Democratic Reps. William J. Jefferson of Louisiana — who has been indicted on bribery charges — and Alan B. Mollohan of West Virginia — whose financial transactions are under investigation — are on the hot seat, many more Republicans are targeted. Democrats are hoping that passing ethics laws, and stripping marked members of prize committee assignments, will make them look good next year when compared with the much larger number of Republicans with legal troubles.