Rumsfeld Spokesman, CIA Agent Skirmish Over 'Botch' Allegation

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Lawrence Di Rita, former spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, escalated his attack today on a CIA officer's charge that Pentagon dithering wasted a chance to wipe out top al Qaeda figures in northern Iraq back in 2002.

In my original story, published late last night, I quoted Di Rita's objection to the allegation by Charles "Sam" Faddis, who led a CIA team into northern Iraq following the 9/11 attacks, that  the Pentagon's "endless planning and delays" foiled a chance to wipe out a band of al Qaeda leaders who were fleeing American bombs in Afghanistan.

After reading that piece online, Di Rita had this further comment:
Faddis's recollections reflect an utter lack of awareness of what U.S. policy was at the time.  In 2002, the president had not yet gone to the Congress, to the international community, etc. to present the case for military operations.   At that period, a diplomatic approach was still being followed. 

There was a lot of consideration about what military possibilities existed in response to Saddam's continued disregard for the UN resolutions and his daily attacks on U.S. and coalition aircraft enforcing the UN no-fly zones.  But it sounds like Faddis's central assertion is that we should have conducted military operations on the ground in Iraq in 2002.

That's revisionist history. He is entitled to his perspective, but it is a narrow, ahistorical perspective. Once the decision was made for military operations, no one was more aggressive than Donald Rumsfeld in empowering the military and the CIA to kill and capture terrorists in Iraq, including Al Qaeda and Ansar Al Islam.

Upon reading Di Rita's comments, Charles Faddis, who resigned from the CIA last May after 20 years in clandestine operations in the Middle East and elsewhere, had the following to say:

 It's hard to know where to begin with this, but here goes.

1)  The specific op which was proposed in Summer 2002 was an attack by CIA/Special Forces/Kurdish forces (all of the above or some combination) against an enclave under the control of Ansar Al Islam, a fundamentalist Islamic group allied with Al Qa'ida.  This has nothing to do with a decision to invade Iraq.  The area in question was within the area in northern Iraq, which was outside of Saddam's control and had been for many years.  In fact, technically, this Islamic mini-state existed within the no-fly zone enforced by U.S. aircraft.

2)  I continue to hear people talking about going after AQ inside Iraq, by which they mean inside the territory controlled by Saddam. There was no such AQ presence prior to the invasion. Saddam was a secular dictator. He regarded Islamic radicals as a grave threat to his regime. He would never tolerate the existence of such organizations on his soil.  AQ came to Iraq (entered the area that had been controlled by Saddam) in the aftermath of our invasion.

3) I volunteered to lead the first team into northern Iraq in February of 2002 and began to stand up the team at headquarters (selecting personnel and getting gear together) immediately.  My instructions at that time were to move as quickly as possible, that we wanted the team in Iraq by Spring of 2002, and that time was of the essence, because the decision had already been made by the White House that we were going to invade. The Kurds had been told this as well and had been promised arms and other support in order to secure their agreement to cooperate.  We made numerous attempts to insert into Northern Iraq throughout Spring 2002, but we were blocked by the Turks, who refused to cooperate.

Faddis' new book is called Operation Hotel California: The Clandestine War Inside Iraq.

Knowledgeable readers are encouraged to add to this debate in the comments section below. -js

    Comments

  1. Mr. Stein,

    Your site is always an interesting read. I do not know enough about the proposed operation to comment either way at this point. Mr. Faddis may very well be right that the DOD botched an opportunity to kill al Qaeda terrorists in northern Iraq. However, I noticed this in a reply from Mr. Faddis to Mr. Di Rita:

    "The area in question was within the area in northern Iraq, which was outside of Saddam's control and had been for many years. In fact, technically, this Islamic mini-state existed within the no-fly zone enforced by U.S. aircraft. ... I continue to hear people talking about going after AQ inside Iraq, by which they mean inside the territory controlled by Saddam. There was no such AQ presence prior to the invasion. Saddam was a secular dictator. He regarded Islamic radicals as a grave threat to his regime. He would never tolerate the existence of such organizations on his soil. AQ came to Iraq (entered the area that had been controlled by Saddam) in the aftermath of our invasion."

    This is wrong, as a matter of fact, and also exhibits the same sort of naiveté that has infected much of the discussion of Saddam's terrorist ties. Of course, there is nothing to suggest that Saddam was "behind 9/11" or anything of that sort. And the extent of Saddam's ties to al Qaeda is certainly debatable, as is whether or not those ties necessitated military action. However, Mr. Faddis' description of pre-war Iraq is betrayed by countless other sources. I won't rehearse all of the evidence here, but I'll give you some quick examples.

    In his book, George Tenet, Faddis' boss, has been quite clear about the presence of senior al Qaeda terrorists such as Thirwat Shihata and Yussef Dardiri in Baghdad. Both of these terrorists were long-time operatives for Ayman al Zawahiri, the head of Egyptian Islamic Jihad and al Qaeda's number two. Tenet, citing the testimony of a senior al Qaeda detainee, described them as "Egyptian Islamic Jihad's best operational planners." No one, as far as I can tell, disputes that they were there. And they were not alone. Other al Qaeda terrorists operated out of Baghdad as well, including Abu Musab al Zarqawi. It strains credulity to believe that Saddam did not at least tacitly accept their presence and, in fact, that is the conclusion Tenet says he and his analysts within the CIA came to.

    Mr. Faddis claims that the Kurdish areas of Northern Iraq in which the al Qaeda terrorists were operating were "outside of Saddam's control." That is true, particularly as compared to Saddam's neo-Stalinist capital of Baghdad. However, Mr. Faddis must surely be aware that Saddam's intelligence agencies had a heavy footprint in these areas. And Mr. Tenet has explained that the intelligence the CIA collected prior to the war suggested not only that "more than a dozen al-Qa'ida-affiliated extremists converged on Baghdad" in the summer of 2002, but they also "had found a comfortable and secure environment in which they moved people and supplies to support Zarqawi's operations in northeastern Iraq." So, the al Qaeda terrorists in northern Iraq did collaborate with their brethren in Baghdad. Incidentally, a number of al Qaeda terrorists and associates have confirmed this collaboration as well. And NBC's chief Middle East correspondent Richard Engel, who does not hold favorable opinions of the Iraq war, has confirmed in his books that he saw Islamic radicals who were probably al Qaeda terrorists in Baghdad.

    I could cite dozens of other facts and pieces of reporting in this vein. But, for the sake of brevity, I want to address the meme that Saddam was a secular dictator incapable of colluding with Islamic radicals.

    Hassan al Turabi, the one-time ruler of Sudan, is as radical as they come. He gave safe haven to Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda from 1991 to 1996 and sponsored al Qaeda's activities in a number of ways. In an article in the New York Times during the time he harbored al Qaeda he referred to Saddam Hussein as a "close friend." Hamas is a radical Sunni terrorist organization with the same ideological roots as al Qaeda, and they even share a common founding father (Sheikh Abdullah Azzam). Saddam openly sponsored Hamas, housed and trained Hamas terrorists on Iraqi soil and, according to Iraqi intelligence documents recovered in post-Saddam Iraq, even had a "quid pro quo" relationship with the group. Saddam sponsored the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, a radical Islamist organization, from the late 1970's onward and many of that group's members went on to play key roles inside al Qaeda. Saddam also regularly hosted conferences for Islamic radicals from throughout the Middle East and Africa in Baghdad. Members of al Qaeda are known to have attended at least some of these conferences, which were organized by Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, Saddam's righthand man.

    I could go on and on, but the idea that Saddam could never cooperate with Islamic radicals or work with them is patently false. Some within the CIA (but not Tenet and some of the CIA's counterterrorism analysts) have adopted that idea as a talking point, but it was never based in fact.

    Authenticated Iraqi intelligence documents recovered in post-Saddam Iraq also demonstrate a host of other ties between Saddam and Islamic radicals, including al Qaeda. He did not control the organization, and he was not some mastermind behind al Qaeda's many endeavors. But he did ally with the group at times - and the notion that his regime would not do so because of ideological differences is not credible.

    Cheers,

    Tom Joscelyn


    Posted by: Tom Joscelyn Author Profile Page | October 10, 2008 10:03 AM

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