It's hard to say whether it was their strategy all along, but those center-to-right tilting Democrats in the House, the Blue Dogs managed to push off the floor vote on health care until after the August recess and, at the same time, paint liberals as the latest impediment to moving forward.
Energy and Commerce Chairman Henry A. Waxman, D-Calif., struck a deal with the Blue Dogs on his committee on Wednesday, but found the pact, centered on requiring a new public health insurance entity to negotiate payment rates with providers rather than pay 5 percent more than Medicare rates, was unpalatable to his liberal base.
Now the Blue Dogs are publicly out of the way, but Waxman, who repeatedly has committed the cardinal chairmanship sin of calling markups without the needed votes in hand, is not nearly out of the woods, according to CQ's health reporting team of Alex Wayne and Drew Armstrong.
They explain why Waxman needs the liberals to get on board, and I'll provide the background for how the Blue Dogs boxed him in.
Because Democrats hold a 13-vote majority on the committee over Republicans, Waxman can afford to lose six votes on any measure. Eight Democrats on the committee are members of the liberal Progressive Caucus, including the chairman and two of his close allies -- Health Subcommittee Chairman Frank Pallone Jr., D-N.J., and Edward J. Markey, D-Mass., chairman of the Energy and the Environment Subcommittee, Alex and Drew wrote.
So, two weeks after Waxman started his quest to send the bill to the floor, he is again at a standstill.
Blue Dogs warned him in advance of his July 16 committee markup that they could frustrate his efforts if he didn't incorporate their ideas.
But he pushed ahead anyway, perhaps convinced that they would drop their objections when forced to vote. Instead, they used the leverage of their votes on the committee to show the bill couldn't survive without their support. Waxman was forced to postpone his markup midway through the process so House Democratic leaders and the president could begin the arduous task of negotiating a compromise.
Last Friday, Waxman, who accused Blue Dogs of conspiring with Republicans, declared that Tuesday was the drop-dead date to reach a deal in order to get a House vote before the recess.
Blue Dogs slow-walked negotiations just enough, waiting until Wednesday to make their pact with Waxman.
In doing so, they removed themselves as the final stumbling block to committee action.
The net result: Centrists don't have to defend floor votes at home during the August recess and it is the liberals, not the Blue Dogs, who are balking at the last minute.
"I think a lot of us are concerned . . . that the public option has been eroded in the bill," said Rep. Eliot L. Engel, D-N.Y., who is a liberal member of the committee. "Each member is grappling with whether they feel they can support the bill."
Blue Dog tails are wagging, and liberals are fuming.
Well played, Blue Dogs (unless you were hoping to advance the Democratic agenda).
Can't help, now, but continue to wonder how many Democrats are having second thoughts about ousting veteran Rep. John D. Dingell, D-Mich., from the chairmanship in a Waxman coup last December.
Some lawmakers and aides concede privately that Dingell, who is the lead sponsor of the legislation, might have pushed a bill through committee by now if he held the gavel.
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