In the Right

As discussed in this earlier post, for instance, Chris Christie's campaign for governor has been hampered by its early decision -- based on its leaders' collective memory of the 1977 campaign of Ray Bateman -- not to offer a specific and detailed plan to reform and reduce property taxes.

Now comes the latest example of a campaign falling captive to its collective memory, and going so far out of the way to avoid a campaign mistake that it renders itself meaningless.

At issue was Tuesday's press conference call featuring campaign chairman Sen. Joe Kyrillos and senior strategist Mike DuHaime.

Their task yesterday was to give the press something to write about other than Bill Clinton's visit to New Jersey on behalf of Barack Obama, and David Halbfinger's New York Times piece regarding Christie's conduct as U.S. Attorney.

So the two campaign leaders spoke to the press in a hastily arranged press conference call, and demanded that Corzine release information detailing the contributions made by his charitable foundation.

Their demand -- which followed a Monday press conference call in which they made essentially the same demand -- was based on a report in the Newark Star-Ledger that Corzine had given $87,000 to Rev. Reginald Jackson, the executive director of the New Jersey Council of Black Ministers, before the Reverend had decided to endorse Corzine for reelection.

Kyrillos criticized Corzine for delaying the filing of his charity's 2008 tax returns, intimating that Corzine's delay was done deliberately to hide from reporters, and the public, what other political support he was "purchasing" with his contributions.

But when asked directly whether or not he was accusing Jackson of having sold his endorsement, Kyrillos backed off: "I wouldn't say that about Reggie Jackson. I don't think Chris would say that about Reggie Jackson. But let the people know about it."

Now, when you arrange a press conference call on Monday to make sure reporters are aware (and, presumably, report) that Reggie Jackson took $87,000 from Jon Corzine before endorsing him for reelection, and then you arrange for a second press conference call a day later to reiterate the same message, it shouldn't surprise you that reporters might think you're trying to imply that Jackson made the endorsement because he received the contribution.

So to immediately back off and declare emphatically that this is not what you are suggesting is, well, problematic.

Especially when it's a perfectly fair conclusion to reach.

Clearly, Kyrillos and DuHaime were worried that accusing Jackson of engaging in what one wit called "pay for pray" would blow up in their faces.

Their fear was, no doubt, based on their memory of the aftermath of the 1993 gubernatorial election, when Christie Todd Whitman's campaign manager, Ed Rollins, claimed at a Sperling Breakfast a few days after her victory that he had achieved it, in part, by spreading half a million dollars in "walk around money" through the Council of Black Ministers to suppress the black vote.

Rollins later recanted his story, of course, but the damage was done.

"The fact that of the matter is this would not even be a question if it was not for Ed Rollins in 1993," Jackson told the Star-Ledger. "Ever since then people ask if African-American ministers have been bought off or if they've been pimped."

So let's pretend, for the sake of argument, that Ed Rollins had never made his statement in 1993.

Let's pretend, for the sake of argument, that the only thing we're allowed to consider is the evidence of Jon Corzine's contributions to Reginald Jackson and his church.

In September of 2000, when he was running for the U.S. Senate against Republican Bob Franks, Corzine and Jackson danced the same dance -- a five-figure Corzine contribution, followed by a Jackson endorsement. The New York Times reported then that Jackson had come under fire for accepting and then hiding the contribution.

Corzine was asked about the donation, and said he had made it "before [he] announced he was running for the Senate." That turned out not to be accurate -- in fact, he had made the contribution three months after he had announced his campaign.

Five years later, Corzine had tired of his job in the Senate, and was running for Governor of New Jersey. Then, too, The New York Times reported on the Rev. Jackson's endorsement -- and reported that between 2000 and 2005, Corzine had donated upwards of $2 million to black churches and schools in New Jersey.

In 2004, we learned later, Corzine had loaned Jackson $50,000 for Jackson's failed campaign to be elected bishop of his church. Corzine forgave the loan on January 1, 2005 -- which meant that it wasn't reported until 2006, well after the 2005 gubernatorial race. In other words, another contribution, another bit of sleight-of-hand.

And now we see yet another five-figure contribution to Jackson, conveniently timed as Corzine is gearing up for another election.

One point makes a point; two points form a line; three points form a plane.

Contributions from Corzine to Jackson in 2000, 2004, and 2008 -- each conveniently arriving right before endorsement season.

Strong evidence, yes, but only circumstantial. We need something else, some evidence that, absent the donations, Jackson's endorsement might reasonably have been projected to go to the Republican candidate.

So look at this YouTube video of a promotional clip from the movie The Cartel, about the New Jersey Education Association's monopoly on education in the Garden State, and you'll find your eyebrows arching of their own accord.

Yes, that's the very same Reginald Jackson introducing the clip, which spends the next 6 minutes detailing horror stories of spending abuses depriving children of decent educations.

Jackson is well known as a supporter of educational choice -- so much so that The New York Times reported in June about Christie's play for urban votes based on the school choice issue.

Here's what The Times reported Jackson saying of a potential Christie endorsement in that piece: Jackson "has told people privately that if he does not endorse Mr. Christie outright, he might sit out the election and encourage others to do so."

But that was when Christie was leading Corzine by double digits. Once Corzine brought the race back to a more manageable level, talk of a Christie endorsement receded.

So, is Jackson's endorsement for sale? I don't know. But it sure looks like it's for rent. And it sure seems to me that, at the very least, he should be asked to explain himself more fully, without being allowed to hide behind his Ed Rollins Defense.

Could the Christie campaign's leaders have said that to the press on a conference call? I think so. Clearly, they thought not.

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